Religion: Jerry Falwell's Crusade
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It is not clear, as critics have claimed, that this sort of theology is tied to other Fundamentalist ideas on geopolitics. However, the Fundamentalists are fiercely anti-Communist and, for that reason, support a strong military and favor U.S. involvement in the affairs of other nations if it can be justified as opposition to Communist encroachment. Fear of pro-Soviet radicals is the basic reason Falwell would risk opprobrium to support South Africa's present regime. Unlike many other American religious groups, Fundamentalists typically favor an extensive U.S. nuclear arsenal.
What are the prospects for the religious right? Historian Martin Marty judges that it has established itself as a permanent interest group, firmly rooted in American culture, but that it remains only one faction among many. On the other hand, Dallas Theological Seminary's Norman Geisler thinks the conservative Protestant effort has barely begun, and foresees growing bonds between the Fundamentalists and the larger Evangelical movement: "As soon as the Evangelicals and Fundamentalists learn how the system works, and they are learning now, they will be a very, very powerful force--if they maintain their coalition."
Such a coalition depends upon whether the Evangelicals are prodded toward Fundamentalism, which could become a major ground for Protestant conflict. By far the biggest prize would be ideological leadership of the huge Southern Baptist Convention. The S.B.C. Fundamentalists last June scored their seventh and perhaps pivotal annual win in balloting on the denomination's president, re-electing Atlanta's Charles Stanley. Through presidential appointments, the well-organized right wing intends to take control of seminaries and other agencies away from moderate conservatives. Such a shift would greatly influence U.S. Protestantism.
The conservative movement, despite successes within the S.B.C. and its large numbers and ample cash flow elsewhere, is still fractionalized, contentious, inherently anti-institutional and dependent upon dynamic leaders who come and go. Conservative Protestant agencies often have considerable difficulty planning anything beyond tomorrow's telecast or next month's budget. The movement is thin on cultural awareness, scholarship and intellectual staying power.
Nonetheless, this single-minded force is waging its campaign for social retrenchment at what may be a propitious time. Fundamentalists detect a widespread feeling in America of spiritual bafflement and dissatisfaction. Many commentators outside the movement agree. Sociologist Rodney Stark of the University of Washington, no Fundamentalist himself, thinks that the religious right makes quite accurate assessments. Antireligion and amorality have in fact been spreading in the public schools, he asserts, and "a majority of Americans are scandalized" by the apparent flouting of traditional values on television and in the press. Similarly, Michael Novak, the neoconservative Roman Catholic, says that the mass media so neglect the nation's deep-seated religious feelings that believers of all types "feel they live in a hostile culture."
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