South Africa Hard Words, Harsh Actions

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South African politicians may still be unschooled in diplomacy, but they have made great strides on the public relations front. A year ago, government leaders advertised that State President P.W. Botha would unveil a package of far-reaching reforms at a provincial National Party congress in Durban. When Botha's "manifesto for the future" proved to be largely a manifesto for more of the same, an international outcry ensued. Last week, as Botha returned to Durban to address a full party congress, officials tried a different tack, this one designed to thwart untoward expectations. One administrator warned foreign correspondents, "This speech is not for you. This is a speech for South Africans." Given the advance billing, it was hard to be disappointed.

Botha gave his people exactly what they wanted. For two hours he tore down critics and shored up Afrikaner morale. Defiantly, he urged his white followers to "shed the spirit of defeatism and doubt" in the face of economic sanctions. Defensively, he railed against an "international conspiracy" that aimed to undermine South Africa's sovereignty. Cunningly, he insisted that South Africa had "outgrown apartheid" and simultaneously vowed to submit any agreements negotiated with blacks to a white referendum.

Botha's performance left most U.S. Senators cold. Three days later, by a vote of 84 to 14, the Senate adopted a strong package of economic sanctions that bans imports of South African textiles, steel, uranium, coal and agricultural products. It also bars new U.S. investment in South Africa, bans new bank loans and ends landing rights for South African Airways. The Senate sanctions stopped short of the bill voted last June by the House, which called for a comprehensive trade embargo and total U.S. disinvestment. But it was a serious setback for the Reagan Administration's policy of avoiding major sanctions in favor of "constructive engagement." Once the two houses reconcile their differences, Reagan will either have to bow to congressional pressure or be forced to use his veto.

Last week, however, the White House had to confront another sticky matter. At a press conference a few hours after the Durban speech, Reagan embraced what he termed Botha's call for a meeting between South African and Western leaders to help end apartheid. Reagan spoke in Chicago, where he was campaigning for Republican candidates, and he had not yet reviewed Botha's speech. When it became plain that Botha had merely offered to meet with Western leaders to discuss regional issues, the Administration admitted that "there has been no such proposal" to dismantle apartheid.

In Durban, meanwhile, a three-judge Supreme Court panel struck a body blow at the country's ten-week-old state of emergency. On Monday it ruled that two key provisions of the emergency regulations concerning arrests and detentions were invalid. The court held that Botha had overstepped his bounds by empowering security forces to detain without charge anyone considered to be a threat to public order. The suit had been brought on behalf of Solomon Tsenoli, a black detainee who was arrested June 12. After Tsenoli was released, there was a rush of activity in all four provinces as lawyers began to prepare similar challenges. Ultimately, it was believed, the ruling might affect all of the emergency detainees, who may number as many as 12,000.