South Africa: Yes!

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A victory of such magnitude on an issue so fundamental could easily push a political leader toward hyperbole. But President F.W. de Klerk was not exaggerating a bit when he said in Cape Town after last week's referendum, "Today we have closed the book on apartheid."

Many more books will have to be written before the country's problems are solved. But white South Africans -- including a majority of the Afrikaans- speaking descendants of the original Dutch settlers -- voted resoundingly for continuing negotiations with their black compatriots on a new constitution. At least 85% of the registered voters turned out, and 68.6% of them said yes to the talks, aimed at creating a new political system in which the black majority will participate fully.

Even De Klerk and his government were surprised at the 2-to-1 mandate for reform. A population widely perceived as the most stubbornly racist in the world was effectively agreeing to give up its monopoly on power and share it with a black majority that whites have traditionally feared, persecuted and patronized. "Good and sensible people must be breathing sighs of relief," was the verdict of Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu. Others agreed. "South Africa is a different country today," blared Business Day, Johannesburg's financial daily. Approved the Sowetan, the largest black daily: "Whites did the right thing."

In spite of the triumph of reform at the ballot box, De Klerk's main negotiating partner, Nelson Mandela, president of the African National Congress (A.N.C.), could not share the euphoria. The country's 30 million black citizens still suffer profound inequalities in housing, education, ( medical care and other basic necessities. As Mandela watched whites streaming to the polls, he said, "I still cannot vote in my own country." But when it was over, he smiled and said at last, "I am very pleased."

White South Africans voted their fears, their hopes and their wallets. Business leaders joined De Klerk's de facto alliance with the liberal Democratic Party, chipping in for a massive advertising campaign that predicted renewed international sanctions and economic disaster in the event of a no vote. One ad, recalling the cancellation of landing rights abroad for South African Airways, depicted a deserted runway with the caption, "Without reform, South Africa isn't going anywhere."

Another ad showed an empty cricket ground and advised, "Without reform, South Africa hasn't got a sporting chance." That was a particularly telling shot. One of the sanctions that most pained and angered South Africans over many years was the ban on their participation in international sports, especially cricket and rugby. In the days leading up to the referendum, a rehabilitated South African national cricket team had won a place in the semifinals of the World Cup. Sport-centered South Africans knew that the team, on its first overseas tour in 22 years, would have to pull out if the referendum failed. More than a few votes were strongly influenced by the thought.