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The Political Interest: The Green-Eyed Monsters
Jealousy, perhaps the oldest and certainly the most pernicious of human emotions, is always fascinating to behold, the more so in politics, where ambition invariably trumps loyalty, and old grudges are carried to the grave. In general in recent years Republicans have held their egos in check -- with the notable exception of the far right, which abhors all who fail to slavishly toe its line. Most mainstreamers, however, follow the G.O.P.'S "11th Commandment" ("Republicans shall not speak ill of other Republicans") and only rarely strike at their own, as Bob Dole did recently when he dissented from the Bush campaign's anti-Perot blitz. While Dole's stance was unwelcome, there was only the slightest there-he-goes-again headshaking at the White House, for everyone knows that Dole is a special case. He has never recovered from losing the 1988 Republican nomination to Bush, and his leadership position in the Senate demands that he be treated gingerly. And besides, no Bushie really had the stomach to attack Dole for telling the truth, which is that the nation's educationally challenged Vice President was a bit wide of the mark when he charged that Ross as Boss would destroy the Constitution (although, come to think of it, the hapless Quayle's insistence on adding an e to potato may have been due to his having immersed himself in the great document's archaic 18th century spelling).
But Dole's mild correction was a sideshow. As usual, it was the Democrats, past masters of the art of party perfidy, who went squarely about the task of nicking their embattled nominee. Who exactly was leading the charge? Why, those who even a casual observer could have predicted would most warm to their indictments, Jesse Jackson and Mario Cuomo, two men who have signaled repeatedly that if they themselves cannot be President, they will not sleep well if another Democrat captures the prize.
Poor Bill Clinton. His sin is that he wants to win and that he understands that victory requires his adopting centrist positions. Since the beginning of his tortured campaign, Clinton has pushed policies that are anathema to traditional Democratic liberalism -- and often before audiences ill disposed to hear his message. Some have argued that in a three-way race he should retreat to the Democrats' base of minorities and liberals. Clinton's view is contrary and is the product of two assumptions -- his belief that Perot will fade, which would leave him to contest the crucial middle with Bush, and his knowledge that even if Perot's unprecedented strut continues unabated there simply are not enough core Democratic votes to win.
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