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One way or another, though, Clinton says, he will do more. In deciding how to step up the pressure, he must contend with three major problems. First, he will have to sell his plan to Britain, France and Canada, all of which oppose military intervention because they have troops on the ground who could be endangered, and to Russia, which has rediscovered its nationalistic ties of brotherhood with the Orthodox, Slavic Serbs. Second, all the peacekeepers convoying humanitarian aid in the former Yugoslavia will have to be withdrawn, beefed up or safe-guarded against retaliation. And third, he must define the goal he intends to achieve.
The truth is that Washington has never arrived at a firm concept of what kind of Yugoslavia it wants to see emerge from the wreckage of war. In the past, the Administration has been willing to agree to anything the Serbs, Muslims and Croats might all be pushed into accepting. That now looks like a hopeless effort, and Clinton will have to do better before he announces -- and wins support for -- the next chapter in his Bosnian policy. "The strong options depend on only one person," said a State Department official. The President does not need any more briefings or position papers. It is now a matter of his political will.
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