Mutiny in Perotland

• Share

For Lloyd Wells, serving as a volunteer in Ross Perot's advocacy group United We Stand America "was one of the most euphoric experiences of my life." Wells, 72, had been an activist for decades, agitating against orthodox politics. It was the fulfillment of his dreams when Perot arrived on the scene and organized a popular rebellion against the major parties. But this month the Maine chapter of Perot's organization ejected Wells and two others for alleged insubordination. Last week Wells was helping to organize a competing group in Maine and began coordinating with disaffected Perotistas elsewhere. "We're going to promote Perot's agenda without Perot," said Tim Beal, one of the Maine rebels. "We need an eloquent spokesperson, but we don't need a dictator."

Nationally, Perot's standing prospers. Though his Dallas headquarters refuses to disclose current numbers, the group has recruited more than 1 million members since January and appears to be growing steadily. In a TIME/ CNN poll last week, Perot's favorable rating, 54%, was virtually the same as Bill Clinton's, at 57%.

Below the waterline, however, Perot's effort to build a national organization of many millions is springing leaks. By the estimate of some dissidents, there are now about 100 small splinter groups of Perot defectors. Loosely organized so far, they keep in touch with one another through a phone- and-fax network. Roger Lindholm, a Phoenix, Arizona, business consultant, now edits one of several newsletters for disgruntled activists.

The prime source of friction is that Perot wants to focus his group's energy on attracting more followers, while the members already on board want to push the Perot agenda by lobbying legislatures and backing local candidates. Now that Perot has built an army, it is itching to fight battles over such issues as taxes and legislative term limits. But Perot won't let them do so, leading disgruntled Perotistas to claim the group has become like a giant pyramid scheme, existing only for the purpose of growing larger. The dispute has produced a sharp discrepancy between Perot's self-image as a mere servant of the volunteers and his need to impose discipline on a movement fueled by independence. "I'm Ross, you're the boss," he tells his followers. When they take that slogan literally, conflict occurs.

The upheaval in Maine is a vivid example. When Wells complained that the national group was developing "military-industrial organizational procedures," Perot headquarters ignored him, so he attempted to incorporate the Maine chapter independently of Dallas. He also went public with his criticism. Stephen Bost, the Maine coordinator appointed by Dallas, responded by summoning Wells to appear before an "ad hoc committee on grievances." Wells states that the meeting took the form of a tribunal, accusing him of disrupting the membership drive and damaging Perot's image. "If names had been stones," Wells said, "I'd be black and blue or dead." Though the panel ruled that Wells could remain in the organization, Bost later refunded Wells' $15 membership fee and a $100 contribution he had made. The Perot alumni network depicted Wells as a martyr for the cause.