The P.L.O. recognizes the right of the state of Israel to exist in peace and security.

-- Letter signed in Tunis by Palestine Liberation Organization chairman Yasser Arafat

The Government of Israel has decided to recognize the P.L.O. as the representative of the Palestinian people.

-- Letter signed in Jerusalem by Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin

Plain words, devoid of the electricity of "All men are created equal" or "Liberty, equality, fraternity" or "Workers of the world, unite!" Certainly the image of Rabin and Arafat, once implacable enemies, standing together on the White House lawn captures the drama of the moment more vividly than these words. But the Arafat-Rabin letters will echo loudly through history precisely because of their practical quality. War cries tend to strident emotionalism, while bitter enemies feeling their way toward reconciliation speak wisely in tones of caution. In this case the very flatness of the words was reassuring; Arafat and Rabin had left themselves no room for ambiguity, evasion or disavowal. The veteran antagonists had actually put on paper the idea that generations of Palestinian and Israeli leaders, themselves included, had vowed never to entertain: no longer will Israel and the P.L.O. try to destroy each other. Instead they will attempt to live side by side in peace. What had justly been called the world's most intractable problem suddenly looked solvable.

As astonishing as this step is, nothing about the future will be easy. Even making the arrangements for signing the Declaration of Principles for Palestinian self-rule in Washington this week had its delicate moments. At the request of both sides, President Bill Clinton arranged the splashy White House ceremony to give the process a boost (and, of course, to associate his Administration with an accord the U.S. had not directly helped negotiate). Clinton left it up to both sides to pick the representatives, and on Friday the Israelis planned to send Foreign Minister Shimon Peres and the Palestinians P.L.O. Executive Committee member Abu Mazin. But at 7 p.m. Friday the Palestinians told State Department officials that Arafat would head their delegation. Dennis Ross, the State Department's special coordinator for the Middle East, immediately called Warren Christopher, who was having drinks with reporters at his house in Georgetown. Christopher ducked into a side room to take the call; after the reporters left, Christopher called Clinton.

The two agreed to inform Rabin as soon as day broke in Israel. Shortly after midnight Christopher phoned Rabin, who had already heard the news from the Israeli embassy in Washington. "And so Mr. Rabin said, 'If he is coming, I have no other alternative. I'll come,' " recounted a senior Israeli government official. The official emphasized that Rabin did not feel he had any choice. "If No. 1 is coming, then another No. 1 must come," he said. "But you can be sure ((Rabin)) is not satisfied with it. He doesn't like this personality, Mr. Arafat, his past and his career. It's very difficult for everyone here to see Mr. Rabin clutch hands with Mr. Arafat. For many Israelis, even Labor Party voters, it's unbearable."

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