Clinton's Plan: DOA?
(4 of 5)
Though Clinton waved his fountain pen two weeks ago and dramatically vowed to veto any bill that omitted universal coverage, there is a quiet debate inside the White House about what "universal" really means. Already it is clear that the reforms will not be fully phased in for years and that Clinton proposes not to cover illegal immigrants. Such purists as Magaziner and the First Lady oppose any further concessions, but Administration pragmatists -- including the President -- reportedly believe Clinton will have to stagger coverage further to win congressional support. As a first public step toward redefining the terms of debate, House Speaker Tom Foley pointed out last week that Clinton had not used the term "universal coverage" but had instead said "guaranteed coverage for every American." The wink was not lost on liberals -- who already felt abused by the White House's ardent courtship of moderates -- Governors and the Business Roundtable. "They're even waffling on universal coverage," said the top aide to a Midwestern Senator. "The message is that if you fight hard for progressive principles, the White House may cut you off."
Administration officials deny that suggestion, but they concede there is disagreement about how strenuously to attack Cooper's plan, in part because the White House may have to work with him soon and in part because Cooper is running for the Senate this year. Having accidentally elevated his proposal to its status as the official alternative, the White House may be hoping the closer scrutiny will show up its flaws. By some estimates, it would increase the budget deficit by $70 billion over the next five years. "We haven't been able to get the message out that if people want to pay $3,000 for health insurance, then Cooper is their plan," said Sara Rosenbaum, a co-architect with Magaziner of the Clinton approach. "But if they want to pay $700, they | should vote for the Clinton model.'
The White House has trouble playing offense partly because it spends so much time playing defense. In Philadelphia on Friday, Hillary Rodham Clinton announced that it was time to "cut through the expensive television- advertising campaigns" and "start talking some sense." But several White House officials admitted the Clintons are reluctant to take to the airwaves until the legislative situation is clarified. If there was a bright moment for Clinton last week, it was the inelegant pirouette performed by Senate Minority Leader Robert Dole. Less than a week after he told Americans the nation did "not have a health-care crisis," he dismissed that question and instead said, "I think we ought to drop the theatrics and talk about the problem." That was touching coming from Dole, who, on national television a week earlier, posed before a chart showing what a labyrinth the Clinton plan would be.
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