Republican Convention: How Bush Decided

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And while Bush's father is perhaps the most experienced living consigliere on the matter of selecting a Vice President--having both been one and picked one--aides are loath to admit that the Governor ever sought his advice. The elder Bush's only role, Hughes insists, was "that of a loving father." At the suggestion that Cheney might be viewed as an old-style Republican more tied to the former President than to his son, a Bush adviser bellowed, "That's b_______!" Campaign aides insisted that Cheney was no different from other potential running mates, all of whom had some ties to the elder Bush. A spokesman actually argued that the former President was no closer to Cheney than he was to Elizabeth Dole, a laughable assertion to anyone familiar with the long history of friction between the Bushes and the Doles.

But as much as the campaign may at times have tried to distance itself from the father, his presence was felt throughout this process in ways that were impossible to deny. It was Cheney's rich and trusting relationship with Bush senior that gave him entree into W.'s close orbit in the first place. Even Danforth, no bosom pal of the son's, owed his close consideration in part to the recommendation of the father, who nearly chose the Missouri Senator as his running mate in 1988. And in the end, the father is wrapped up in the message sent by the Cheney selection. When Bush aides talk about Cheney as "a leadership pick" and as someone who represents the "integrity" and "civility" of a pre-Clinton-Gore era in Washington, they are using code meant to conjure up positive memories of the original Bush years.

Which is why, even as they play down the father's role in the son's campaign, senior advisers can't wait to tell you how the son benefits from President Bush's 68% favorability ratings. Internal research has led W.'s team to conclude that the elder Bush is an asset with the swing voters who will decide the election. "They know that the Bush brand is not extreme," says one of the admen shaping the Bush message.

The Cheney brand stands for quiet counsel, which is why he seemed to be ruled out for the No. 2 spot when he was named to lead the selection team in late April. For one thing, he had already told Bush he wasn't interested in the job. For another, he was seen mainly as a possible bridge builder to his onetime colleague in the Bush Administration, Colin Powell. The former general remained the younger Bush's dream running mate long after Powell had privately made it clear to W. that he did not want to be considered. As recently as two weeks ago, the Governor told confidants that he was still trying to find a way to bring the wildly popular former general onto his ticket.

But with Powell truly unavailable and the freewheeling John McCain unimaginable, the process moved in May to a second tier of contenders. The list of roughly a dozen names ranged from Oklahoma Governor Frank Keating to Tennessee Senator Fred Thompson to twice-failed presidential candidate Lamar Alexander. Each contender was given a questionnaire containing more than 80 requests for information, including 10 too sensitive to be answered on paper. To answer those, candidates were told to wait for face-to-face interviews.