Joe Klein on the President's Impressive Performance Thus Far

Obama reads letters in his private office in the residence.
Obama reads letters in his private office in the residence.
Callie Shell / Aurora for TIME
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"The wagon that needs to get through is health care," says a second Obama adviser, picking up the metaphor. But that won't be easy either — unless the Obama Administration can lure some Republicans to support it, which might be possible if the plan relieves the pressure of health-care coverage on corporate America. "If he narrows his agenda to fixing the banks and focusing fully on health care," says Senator Alexander, "there's a good chance we could get it done." If the rest of his agenda is trashed but Obama emerges with universal health insurance, the achievement will be historic.

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There are other challenges. Defense Secretary Robert Gates has submitted a radically sane Pentagon budget, which eliminates some unneeded weapons systems — and is likely to be eviscerated by members of Congress from the districts where those systems are built. "We are absolutely going to stand with Gates on this one," said an Obama aide, implying that the President would veto a same-old defense budget.

Gates is considered a major success within the Administration, as is the straight-talking Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton. There is some concern, however, about National Security Adviser James Jones, who is still adjusting to civilian life after a brilliant career in the military. "Obama has appointed all these high-powered envoys like [Richard] Holbrooke and [George] Mitchell, but we don't know who's going to really be in charge of setting the foreign policy priorities," says a prominent foreign policy realist who admires Jones. "That should be Jim's job. But he's throwing off a sense of uncertainty." Several sources say Jones seems to attend meetings rather than lead them. "He needs to drive the agenda," the foreign policy expert adds. "He has to be first among equals — the fact that Condi [Rice] couldn't control Cheney and [Donald] Rumsfeld in Bush's first term was disastrous. A lot depends on what sort of relationship develops between Jones and Obama."

The second big foreign policy challenge is the natural conflict between the demure slog of diplomacy and the need for the American President to be a strong leader who sets the international agenda. "The one thing Obama hasn't done in the first 100 days," says Zbigniew Brzezinski, who was Jimmy Carter's National Security Adviser, "is the big Middle East speech where he says, 'This is the settlement. This is what we're for.' If he doesn't do that soon, [Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu is going to set the agenda, not us — and that will be a disaster. If we don't act now, any chance of a two-state solution will be gone. If he does act now, every government in the world will stand with him." Except, perhaps, the Israelis and their American supporters in the Jewish and Evangelical communities. Obama's willingness to override domestic politics for the greater good will be a major test.

In a way, Brzezinski's stark choice is emblematic of the problem that Obama faces now that his first 100 days is nearly complete. There are those who mistake his quiet, deliberative style for softness. There is the fear that he won't have the strength to stand up to the Israelis (or the Iranians) or to the left wing of his party on health care or to the porkers on the defense budget. On the other hand, there are three dead Somali pirates who attest to this President's ability to make tough decisions in a timely fashion. Obama won't stand up to everyone, always; he is, after all, a politician. But the quality of fights he does choose will determine whether he builds his legacy on rock or sand. He has had a brilliant time announcing his intentions, but the real game of governing is about to begin.

See a special report on Obama's first 100 days.

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