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THE CENTURY IN REVIEW

Y2K
Hey, You In That Bunker, You Can Come Out Now!

INDICATORS 
World Population: Six Billion and Counting

Indicators of the Century

WORKSHEET:
Maps and Graphs in Focus


PERSON OF THE CENTURY
Albert Einstein: Person of the Century

Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Runner-Up

Mohandas Gandhi: Runner-Up

WORKSHEET:
Voices of the Century


NATION

CAMPAIGN 2000
Primary Questions

How to Tell Them Apart

WORKSHEET:
Portrait of a Candidate


CONGRESS
Mutually Assured Destruction

PERSON OF THE YEAR
Jeff Bezos: King of the Internet

BUSINESS
AOL and Time Warner: Happily Ever After?

WORLD

GLOBAL ECONOMY
Rage Against the Machine

RUSSIA
No Tears for Boris

MIDDLE EAST
Men At Work

EAST TIMOR
On The Razor's Edge

WORKSHEET:
East Timor's Independence Struggle


JAPAN
The Japan Syndrome

PANAMA
Giving Up the Ship?

CUBA
A Big Battle for a Little Boy

ENVIRONMENT
Greenhouse Effects

WORKSHEET: Current Events in Review

Answers

     
C  A  M  P  A  I  G  N     2  O  O  O    

     


By ERIC POOLEY

There's a moment worth waiting for during every Democratic presidential debate these daysÐthe moment when Bill Bradley's feelings for Al Gore bob into view like a big chunk of ice on a cold gray sea. "Maybe you weren't in the loop, Al." "The point is, AlÐand I don't know if you get thisÐbut a political campaign is not just a performance for people." "Let me explain to you, Al, how the private sector works." At such times, Bradley looks at the Vice President as if Gore had suddenly morphed into an overripe mackerel; Bradley's voice, normally so flat and affectless, drips with sarcasm and a condescension that borders on contempt. Because to Bradley, who really does see himself as a better class of politician, Gore is an opportunist driven by ambition instead of principleÐthe kind of candidate who will demand on Wednesday that his Pentagon leaders support gays in the military, then backpedal on Friday. "Bill sees Gore as a smaller guy, a smaller guy all around," says someone close to Bradley. "Gore leapt at the vice presidency, a job Bill would never have taken, because [Gore]'s devoted to furthering his career over all else." And last fall, when Gore saw that Bradley's high-minded pitch was working in New Hampshire, he stole it and started talking about "elevating our democracy" by running "a different kind of campaign"Ðall Bradley-speak. Sometimes Bradley can't stand him.

And sometimes the feeling is mutual. Gore views Bradley as a slave to his own self-regard, a man whose sanctimony is an ineffective and even hypocritical approach to politics. Gore's lieutenants love to point out Bradley's contradictions: he spent $2 million on his polling operation in his 1990 Senate race-an early attempt at Clinton-style values pollingÐyet claims to hate poll-driven politics. He calls himself a crusader against corporate tax loopholes, yet came out in support of ethanol subsidies that chiefly benefit one conglomerate, Archer Daniels Midland, because he wants to curry favor with Iowa farmers. "What's fatal," says a Gore strategist, "is holding yourself up as superior."

The candidates' disdain was on display last week as the battle for the nomination began to crackle. The Iowa caucuses are two weeks away, the New Hampshire primary three weeks away. Young Gore and Bradley volunteers are starting to tussle in the streets, and the candidates are tussling onstage. Last Wednesday in Durham, N.H., and on Saturday in Johnston, Iowa, Gore was hammering away at Bradley's health-care plan, as usual, and Bradley was sneering back at him, employing his recent tactic of responding to Gore attacks by pointing out their theatricality.

"Bill gets a little out of sorts when I talk about the substance of the policy," said Gore in Durham, smiling sweetly and obviously having fun getting under Bradley's skin. He had just suggested that Bradley lacks "the experience to keep our prosperity going," and that Bradley "wants to blow the whole surplus" on an "unwise" plan.



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