THE CENTURY IN REVIEW Y2K Hey, You In That Bunker, You Can Come Out Now! INDICATORS World Population: Six Billion and Counting Indicators of the Century WORKSHEET: Maps and Graphs in Focus PERSON OF THE CENTURY Albert Einstein: Person of the Century Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Runner-Up Mohandas Gandhi: Runner-Up WORKSHEET: Voices of the Century NATION CAMPAIGN 2000 Primary Questions How to Tell Them Apart WORKSHEET: Portrait of a Candidate CONGRESS Mutually Assured Destruction PERSON OF THE YEAR Jeff Bezos: King of the Internet BUSINESS AOL and Time Warner: Happily Ever After? WORLD GLOBAL ECONOMY Rage Against the Machine RUSSIA No Tears for Boris MIDDLE EAST Men At Work EAST TIMOR On The Razor's Edge WORKSHEET: East Timor's Independence Struggle JAPAN The Japan Syndrome PANAMA Giving Up the Ship? CUBA A Big Battle for a Little Boy ENVIRONMENT Greenhouse Effects WORKSHEET: Current Events in Review Answers |
![]() By ERIC POOLEY
There's
a moment worth waiting for during every Democratic presidential debate
these daysÐthe moment when Bill Bradley's feelings for Al Gore bob into
view like a big chunk of ice on a cold gray sea. "Maybe you weren't in
the loop, Al." "The point is, AlÐand I don't know if you get thisÐbut
a political campaign is not just a performance for people." "Let me explain
to you, Al, how the private sector works." At such times, Bradley looks
at the Vice President as if Gore had suddenly morphed into an overripe
mackerel; Bradley's voice, normally so flat and affectless, drips with
sarcasm and a condescension that borders on contempt. Because to Bradley,
who really does see himself as a better class of politician, Gore is an
opportunist driven by ambition instead of principleÐthe kind of candidate
who will demand on Wednesday that his Pentagon leaders support gays in
the military, then backpedal on Friday. "Bill sees Gore as a smaller guy,
a smaller guy all around," says someone close to Bradley. "Gore leapt
at the vice presidency, a job Bill would never have taken, because [Gore]'s
devoted to furthering his career over all else." And last fall, when Gore
saw that Bradley's high-minded pitch was working in New Hampshire, he
stole it and started talking about "elevating our democracy" by running
"a different kind of campaign"Ðall Bradley-speak. Sometimes Bradley can't
stand him. And sometimes the feeling is mutual. Gore views Bradley as a slave to his own self-regard, a man whose sanctimony is an ineffective and even hypocritical approach to politics. Gore's lieutenants love to point out Bradley's contradictions: he spent $2 million on his polling operation in his 1990 Senate race-an early attempt at Clinton-style values pollingÐyet claims to hate poll-driven politics. He calls himself a crusader against corporate tax loopholes, yet came out in support of ethanol subsidies that chiefly benefit one conglomerate, Archer Daniels Midland, because he wants to curry favor with Iowa farmers. "What's fatal," says a Gore strategist, "is holding yourself up as superior." The candidates' disdain was on display last week as the battle for the nomination began to crackle. The Iowa caucuses are two weeks away, the New Hampshire primary three weeks away. Young Gore and Bradley volunteers are starting to tussle in the streets, and the candidates are tussling onstage. Last Wednesday in Durham, N.H., and on Saturday in Johnston, Iowa, Gore was hammering away at Bradley's health-care plan, as usual, and Bradley was sneering back at him, employing his recent tactic of responding to Gore attacks by pointing out their theatricality. "Bill gets a little out of sorts when I talk about the substance of the policy," said Gore in Durham, smiling sweetly and obviously having fun getting under Bradley's skin. He had just suggested that Bradley lacks "the experience to keep our prosperity going," and that Bradley "wants to blow the whole surplus" on an "unwise" plan. TIME EDUCATION PROGRAM -- Teaching With Time |