CURRENT EVENTS UPDATE

By ERIC POOLEY

A few hours before he conceded the election, Al Gore was on the phone with his old friend Norm Dicks, a Democratic Congressman from Washington State. Allies since 1977, when both were House freshmen, Gore and Dicks stayed in touch during the last roller-coaster days of the 2000 contest. Now that it was over, Dicks told the Vice President, "You’ve done all you could do. You’ll have another day." Gore giggled nervously and said, "I’m not so sure about that." Dicks could hear the hurt in his voice. "[Gore] won Florida," Dicks argued in an interview with TIME, "and should be President of the United States."

The anger that swept Capitol Hill in late December, as Democrats struggled to accept the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to stop the Florida recount and award the presidency to George W. Bush, wasn’t confined to Gore’s friends. Since he doesn’t have many of those on the Hill, the emotions triggered by Gore’s loss caught many House and Senate Democrats by surprise. A week before, they had been eager for the end, dismissive of Gore’s strategy and worried that the cursed election would have to be decided in their chambers. How can we miss you, they seemed to be telling Gore, if you won’t go away?

Then he did go away—because the Supreme Court handed down a decision that felt more partisan than principled—and Democrats were outraged. (For more on the Supreme Court decision, see page 6.) Some Senators predict titanic battles if Bush gets to nominate new Supreme Court Justices. Some House members predict titanic battles over just about anything that happens in 2001. Some of the claims of unjust treatment by the court are no doubt being manufactured by politicians who would love to see Bush fail so they could pick up seats in 2002. But even as lawmakers speak publicly of bipartisanship and healing, they speak privately of the deep pessimism that has settled over Washington. One hears it not simply from liberals but also from moderates in both parties who had been confident about Bush’s chance for success. "I’m in the realism category now," says Representative Charles Stenholm, a conservative Texas Democrat who had radiated optimism just days before. "It’s going to be difficult."

UNIFYING A DIVEDED NATION
Even Gore’s note-perfect concession speech—brief, funny and unabashedly patriotic—carried an alarming subtext. The Vice President quoted Stephen Douglas’ concession to Abraham Lincoln after the 1860 election: "Partisan feeling must yield to patriotism. I’m with you, Mr. President, and God bless you." But when Douglas offered those uplifting words, the nation was weeks away from the Civil War.

It’s almost obscene to compare Bush’s predicament to Lincoln’s. But it is true that Bush must unify a divided nation. He lost the popular vote by some 500,000, and many Americans believe he lost Florida and thus the electoral contest as well. A non-binding, after-the-fact recount could end up reaching the same conclusion around the time he takes office. The man who promised to be "a uniter, not a divider"—who warned Republicans that the Party of Lincoln hasn’t always heeded the message of Lincoln—ended up fighting in the courts to prevent the recount of ballots cast largely by Americans who are black, poor, and/or elderly. The man who promised to be a different kind of Republican may owe his office to an old-fashioned Republican network—the allies of his brother, the Florida Governor, and the Republican appointees on the nation’s highest court.

RESTORING CONFIDENCE
Now that man must find a way to restore confidence in America’s political and judicial institutions—and prove that he understands the dimensions of the problem and doesn’t see it as just a public relations snafu that can be addressed through a few nice speeches. Armed with a feeble mandate from the voters, he must steer his program through a divided Congress—a thin g.o.p. majority in the House, a 50-50 tie in the Senate, with Vice President Dick Cheney the deciding vote. As the President-elect knows, he may end up getting fewer headaches from the revenge fantasies of liberal Democrats than from the dreams of political domination being indulged by conservative Republicans. While Bush begins coping with all that, the economy is showing sobering signs of recession: slumping sales, sagging markets, cooling consumer confidence and pre-emptive layoffs at such major corporations as Whirlpool, Chase Manhattan Bank and General Motors. (For more on the economy, see page 20.)

In other words, Bush is perfectly positioned for a stunning, Truman-like rise to presidential leadership. At least, that’s how he sees the situation. "It is a unique moment, and I intend to seize it," Bush told TIME. "It is an opportunity for both Republicans and Democrats to show the country that we can come together. The closeness of the election provides an opportunity for people who care more about their country than they do their political party . . . . History’s going to look back and say both parties came together and were able to grasp this moment. I view it as a very positive opportunity. I’m not the least bit concerned."

LOW EXPECTATIONS, HIGH STAKES
Throughout his brief, meteoric political career, Bush has benefited from rock-bottom expectations. No way could he defeat Texas Governor Ann Richards in 1994. No way could he go toe to toe with Gore during the debates last fall. And no way can he succeed as President now. But Bush is convinced that his powers of persuasion are so unique and irresistible that he will succeed in healing the nation and building consensus. And so he sets out to prove the know-it-alls wrong once more. This time there’s so much at stake that only his most bitter enemies could root against him.

But glossing over big policy differences—pretending that a consensus about problems is the same as a consensus about solutions—can get Bush only so far. Two weeks after he takes the oath of office, Bush will have to present his budget and agenda to Congress. When he does, the fights will begin. Bush’s honeymoon with Congress, if you want to call it that, appears to have lasted 14 hours: from the time Gore conceded until 11 the next morning, when the Republican Speaker of the House, Denny Hastert, told reporters that Bush should pursue tax cuts "a piece at a time," passing estate-tax and marriage-penalty reform instead of the sweeping $1.3 trillion proposal Bush campaigned on. Hastert tried to backpedal the next day, but key Republicans have told Cheney the same thing, and their words serve as a reminder, should anybody need one, that Bush will take office with little or no political capital to spend. Even the "easy" issues put him in a box. If education reform is the first bill he sends to Congress, he’ll find some common ground for his focus on tough achievement standards. But if he pushes his campaign promise to cut funding for underperforming school districts and use the money for private-school vouchers, he’ll face buzz-saw opposition from Democrats and moderate Republicans. And if he doesn’t push ahead with that plan, his conservative base will have its first betrayal.

For now, smoothing over differences is the priority. Bush sent Cheney to Capitol Hill on the day Gore conceded to start building coalitions. The Vice President-elect met separately with moderate and conservative groups—and both sides came away pleased and reassured. Conservatives hear a big tax cut coming. Moderates believe education reform and prescription drugs will be the priority. One faction or the other is getting played, but it’s impossible to tell which side.

On one point, at least, the Bush message has been remarkably consistent. Bush told TIME—and Cheney has told Republican leaders—that he will not settle for a scaled-down version of his campaign agenda. The man who predicted a decisive victory now argues that scratching out a win in the closest election in a century equals a mandate. He wants it all: education, a prescription-drug benefit, tax cuts and private Social Security accounts.

A thousand miles east of Washington, a President who suffered through his own disastrous early days in office was crossing the Atlantic on Air Force One, musing about the challenges facing his successor. Typically, Bill Clinton radiated hope and optimism. "Maybe the last few years have bled enough poison out of the system," he said. "I think Democrats will give him a honeymoon and the opportunity to get his feet on the ground."

—TIME, December 25, 2000–January 1, 2001

Questions
1. Who won the electoral vote? The popular vote? What comment does the cartoon on page 3 make?

2. What challenges does George W. Bush face as he sets out to lead the nation following the election?

TIME CLASSROOM