he digital revolution that burns so brightly today is likely to pale in comparison to the revolution in biotechnology that is just beginning. Physicist Stephen Hawking, speaking at the White House last month on science in the next millennium, pointed out that for the past 10,000 years there has been no significant change in our human DNA. But over the next hundred years, we will be able and tempted to tinker. No doubt we'll make some improvements and some mistakes. We'll encode our dreams and vanities and hubris. We'll clone ourselves, we'll custom-design our kids. By playing Dr. Frankenstein, we'll have the chance to make miracles or monsters. The challenges will be not scientific but moral.

In the political realm, democratic capitalism, having defeated the twin foes of fascism and communism, is likely to face three others. The first is tribalism, as in Bosnia. This is, of course, nothing new. But democracies are often maladroit at dealing with minorities that seek group empowerment. The second challenge will be fundamentalism. Capitalism can be cold, consumption oriented and spiritless, alienating those who feel repelled by its modernity and its materialist values. Some will respond by embracing traditional religions or New Age spirituality, but there is also likely to be, especially in the Islamic world, a more fierce religious challenge that rejects individual liberties as well as the materialism that comes with capitalism. Finally, there is the radical environmentalism of the Green movements, which could start seeming less radical and more urgent if the quest for economic growth that is inherent in capitalism continues to threaten the health of the planet. To counter this, humans will have to become the first species to learn how to control its own population growth.

Among the few things certain about the next century is that it will be wired, networked and global. Because national borders will be unable to block the flow of information and innovation, the societies that thrive will be those that are comfortable with openness and with the free flow of services, goods and ideas.

By these standards, the U.S. is rather well positioned. Ever since the days of the colonial pamphleteers, we've been comfortable with the cacophony that comes from freedom of information. We're used to being multicultural, and though we're constantly struggling with the consequences, we don't Balkanize because of it. Our disputes, such as those over affirmative action, may be divisive, but we have the political and constitutional means to resolve them peacefully.

But like other nations, the U.S. will have to adapt to a new century. With a global economy that will be increasingly knowledge based, we will no longer be able to permit unequal educational opportunities. Schools will need to be open to competition and subjected to standards so that we avoid creating a two-tiered society. We also must realize, as both Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt did, that capitalism can be efficient but it can also be cold. America's social fabric is strong when it weaves together rewards for individual initiative and neighborly compassion for all members of the community. The ultimate goal of democracy and freedom, after all, is not to pursue material abundance but to nurture the dignity and values of each individual. That is the fundamental story of this century, and if we're lucky and wise, it will be the story of the next one.

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