Bush Backs Arms Sale with Tough Talk
But perhaps the deal is not as good as it first seemed. Taiwan had three big-
ticket items at the top of its wish list submitted to Washington: new destroyers
armed with the sophisticated Aegis weapons system, Patriot PAC-3 missiles, and
diesel-powered attack submarines. Bush turned down the request for the high-
tech, Aegis-equipped destroyers -- Beijing had warned of grave consequences
should the sale go ahead -- as well as the new Patriot anti-missile missiles,
which are so new that they are only now being deployed with U.S. military units.
The official terminology used by Bush was that he was "deferring" his decision
on permitting the sale of these two important and sophisticated weapons systems.
That sounded encouraging, but Taiwan will not be seeing these toys any time soon
-- if, indeed, ever.
In place of the Aegis destroyers, Bush agreed to sell Taiwan four Kidd-class
destroyers. That's like asking for a new Porsche, and getting a used, but low
mileage, Ford. The Kidds were originally built in the 1970s for the Shah of
Iran, but went undelivered when an unfavorable change of government took place
in that country. The U.S. mothballed the destroyers while trying to peddle them
to friends and allies. No one was interested -- until Taiwan. The Kidds will
require at least two years of refitting before they are delivered to the island
Beijing refers to as a "renegade province."
More interesting, though, are the eight new submarines that the U.S. promised to
"assist" Taiwan in procuring. The catch is in the wording: the U.S. has not
built a conventionally powered submarine since the early 1960s so, in effect,
Washington has no subs to sell. The best submarine technology on the open market
today (aside from boats made in Russia but sold to Taiwan's adversary China)
comes from Germany and the Netherlands. And that's where the problem lies.
Both the Germans and the Dutch made it clear this week that they would not co-
operate with any American attempt to build subs for Taiwan. It was the Dutch who
sold two submarines to Taipei in the 1980s, incurring the wrath of Beijing in
the process. This put their relations with Beijing in the deep freeze for
several years; in 1984, the Dutch announced that they would no longer sell any
weapons to Taiwan.
Even if the Dutch should change their policy -- something its diplomats declare
to be "extremely unlikely" -- the process of building new submarines in
conjunction with the U.S. would be a long and painful process. The Dutch should
know. In 1995 the Americans promised the Egyptians that they would help Cairo
secure a diesel-powered sub. In October 2000, five years after the announcement,
Dutch and American companies finally signed a letter of intent with the Egyptian
government to begin planning the project. Still to be hammered out are
contracts, costs, designs, and procurement of weapons systems. Then they will
actually have to build the boat. Delivery date: 2008. Maybe!
So where is President Bush going to find the subs to sell to Taiwan? Who knows?
The U.S. Navy admits it has no plans hidden away in some drawer. Check with the
folks who run America's shipyards, and they deny getting any calls from
Washington. "No prep work has been done," admits Pentagon spokesman Admiral
Craig Quigley. "But if the (Taiwanese) express that interest (in submarines), we
are confident that we can find a way to make that happen." The Taiwanese -- and
their supporters in the U.S. -- are also sure that they will get their boats.
Says one source in Washington familiar with the negotiations: "Ways will be
found to deliver. This administration knows that Taiwan's friends in Washington
will be watching this very closely."
In the days following the arms sale approval, those friends of Taiwan have been
hearing good things from Bush. There is no doubt now that Bush and his
administration have tilted towards Taipei. In an interview with the Washington
Post newspaper the day after the deal, Bush said that he believed the long
tradition of reviewing arms sales to Taiwan each year in April was unnecessary,
and that he would review and approve sales "as needed." This pleased Taiwan's
supporters, who now say that once a new evaluation of Taiwan's ground forces is
completed they will be back in Washington with a new shopping list. An item
certain to be on the list: U.S. Apache combat support helicopters. And Taiwan's
supporters are convinced that Bush will agree.
Things got even more interesting the following day when Bush gave another media
interview. Asked if he would use the full force of American military to defend
Taiwan, should China attack, the President replied that he would do "whatever it
took" to help Taipei. This commitment was far more direct and unequivocal than
American Presidents have traditionally offered. Washington's vast corps of
policy wonks and defense experts have since been debating whether this means
that America has abandoned its policy of "strategic ambiguity," which committed
Washington to the defense of Taiwan, but left vague precisely how far America
would go. Officials from the State Department and the White House, furiously
backpedaling for the President, jumped in and assured everyone that the American
policy of the last 20 years remains in place.
O.K., maybe U.S. policy towards Taiwan hasn't officially changed. But it is
clear that Taiwan does have a friend in the highest place in Washington -- even
if he is not always willing to share his best and shiniest military toys.
• In an interview with TIME magazine aboard Air Force One on April 25, President
Bush defended his position on U.S. relations with China and Taiwan. Asked about
his offer to sell a major arms package to Taipei -- while rejecting a request
for Aegis-equipped destroyers -- the President replied: "My job is to uphold the
spirit of the Taiwan Relations Act, and I did so, with a very robust package. It
appeared to me that the Taiwanese were very grateful.
"Secondly, I recognize our relationship with China is going to be very complex,
but it is in our nation's interest for us to find areas where we can agree and
to work on areas where we disagree. And I'm going to do so. It's in our interest
to trade. We've had a lot of folks saying, well, we shouldn't trade with China.
I disagree: It's in our economic interest to trade, but it's also more likely to
cause freedom to occur in China. And Lord knows we need freedom. After all,
Catholic bishops were hauled in the other day; a Catholic bishop as well as
other Catholic hierarchy were arrested, which is not right.
"So we need to have the ability to say to China, you know, this is wrong. And at
the same time, say let's work together on trade. I'm convinced that my
administration will take a realistic approach to what is a very important and
complex relationship."
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