Interview: "The People Do Not See Any Difference Between the Candidates"

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While the leader of the Liberation Tamil Tiger of Eelam (L.T.T.E.), Vellupillai Prabhakaran, is almost never seen in public, the L.T.T.E.'s political head S.P. Tamilchelvan can be more forthcoming. Tamilchelvan spoke to TIME's Alex Perry through his interpreter at the group's headquarters in Killinochchi.

TIME: Who do you want to win the election?
Tamilchelvan: We are not at all concerned about the election. Our experience of both parties is that if at all they speak of the Tamil national question, it is only because they want votes. Their performances after the elections are very dismal. A sense of apathy prevails. People are not bothered by the election or the outcome. They do not see any difference between the candidates.

TIME: But there is a difference. Ranil [Wickremesinghe] is more conciliatory. Mahinda is taking a harder line.
T: The danger signs are very explicit with Mahinda. But you call Ranil conciliatory, whereas our experience is that he had ample opportunity to go ahead with a resolution of the Tamil national problem and he does not keep his promises. If anyone is responsible for pushing the Tamil people to the fringe of frustration, it's unambiguously Ranil, because nothing was implemented.

As a response to this, over the last few months we have been witnessing several uprisings in the Tamil homeland. The people are totally frustrated with the Sinhala leadership and have come back to the position they held in the mid 1970s [when the Tamil Tigers first took up arms] when they opted for secession. There is a trend of uprisings. That is the people's feeling and we can't hurt their feelings.

TIME: Are you saying you're going back to war?
T: We cannot say definitely that the situation will transform into a war. But the people are the judges. It is people's power that dictates to us. Their democratic protests in recent months, their uprisings, have been met with military violence. It makes people think the government is more inclined towards war. And if the people's power is crushed by military oppression, then definitely the people will transform themselves into a force that cannot be controlled in a democratic manner. It is up to the Sri Lankan government as to whether they let this escalation go on.

TIME: But the decision to resume fighting would be an executive one, taken here. What would you consider a trigger?
T: If the violence against civilians escalates, then the people themselves will rise up in arms and at that juncture the leadership will make a decision to back them. History tells us no people in any part of the world can ever tolerate military oppression forever. At some stage, there is an uprising to win back their freedom.

TIME: There are those that would say that you're raising the specter of something awful to try to influence the vote.
T: That's wrong. Go to any part of the Tamil homeland and you'll find people are not concerned with the election. They don't see anything new, any new horizon or dawn. Look at Ranil's visit to Jaffna. He confined his tour to the military complex at Palaly and gave the military assurances that he would modernize [the army] and buy good weapons. He didn't visit the Tamil people or listen to their grievances. One can only imagine the people's feelings.

TIME: In September, the European Union issued a ban on receiving L.T.T.E delegations following the assassination of Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, which was widely blamed on the L.T.T.E. Were you surprised by the ban?
T: Technically it's not a ban, it's a suspension of official protocol. As to whether it's right or wrong, the cease-fire made the L.T.T.E. an equal partner in Sri Lanka's political arrangements. And that should have been taken into consideration by the E.U. when bringing up such censures. [The suspension] is to vilify and discredit the L.T.T.E. and [came about] after pressure by Colombo. We feel wisdom should have prevailed in Europe. It's very unfortunate.

TIME: Diplomats in Colombo say their motive is to make plain to the L.T.T.E. that their behavior has been unacceptable. You're aware that they hold you accountable for Lakshman Kadirgamar's death, among others. Your reaction?
T: This is an ex-parte trial without criminal procedures. The accused party has not been consulted or called to explain. Whenever some killing takes place, immediately the blame is apportioned on the L.T.T.E. The same thing has taken place with Lakshman Kadirgamar's assassination and many others. The Sri Lankan government thought it was easy merchandise to sell to the international community, and unfortunately the international community bought it.

TIME: Is there a danger that the international community is putting you in a position where you have nothing to lose by reverting to war?
T: We believe that the truth will one day prevail. We consider Europe civilized and democratic. They have taken hundreds of thousands of Tamil refugees as citizens. They see the persecution in this country. They know what is taking place in Sri Lanka and that has not changed.

TIME: There's a view in Colombo that there are two camps in the L.T.T.E.: those who prefer a military solution, and those who support peace. Is that true?
T: That's totally wrong. It is true that we are a political-military organization. We started with political demonstrations, and when we had to defend ourselves against a military operation, we transformed into a military unit. But our goal is fully political. There is no division in the organization, or even in the Tamil nation.

But if Colombo continues with its plan to oppress demonstrations and agitations, then the L.T.T.E. as a responsible freedom-fighting organization has a responsibility to respond suitably. Our goal remains the political freedom of the Tamil people. If that can be attained through negotiation, we'll do that. It all depends on Colombo.

TIME: It's plain if you look around L.T.T.E. territory that you have, in fact, built most of the facets of a separate state. You have borders, an army, police, courts, a civil administration, a flag. I even hear you're writing a national anthem. Do you think the debate in Colombo regarding Tamil separatism is historical—that they're arguing about something that's actually already happened?
T: It is historic. Colombo is behind on their history. What the Tamil people have established has all the hallmarks of a separate state. But this is nothing new. There was a distinct Tamil nation prior to the 16Th century. There was a Tamil nation here, with its own sovereignty and a rich heritage and culture. The people lost it, and now they are taking it back. About 60-70% of our homeland is liberated and nobody can prevent this process going further. This is reality. What Colombo says about a unitary nation is imagination. If Colombo refuses to accept this reality, Colombo has to pay for it one day. And the cost will be terribly high and the damage irreparable for them.

TIME: You sound pessimistic. Do you see any hope for the future?
T: We are being drawn [in a direction] where we see only darkness. But we are not totally pessimistic. If even a tiny ray of hope appears on the distant horizon, we will be happy to grab and move forward. We want to be optimistic.