A Boost for Diplomacy in Asia?

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But from the first day of his administration on Sept. 26, Abe pushed hard to reopen diplomatic channels with both Beijing and Seoul, making very public overtures for early summit meetings. It was a political gamble for the untested Abe, but to the surprise of many, both countries proved receptive. "This was ultimately China and South Korea's choice, and that shows there is a willingness on all three sides to get beyond the breakdown of the Koizumi years," says Cook. During Koizumi's time, both China and South Korea had insisted that the Japanese Prime Minister promise to forego Yasukuni visits before relations could be normalized. Though Abe himself has visited Yasukuni often in the past, he has refused to say whether he intends to go there as Prime Minister. Both Beijing and Seoul seem to be willing to not ask if Abe won't tell, at least for now. "It was a sudden and unexpected outbreak of pragmatism," says Peter Beck, Seoul-based director of the International Crisis Group's Northeast Asia project.

Few concrete results were achieved at either summit, aside from a reiterating the importance of increasing dialogue on a range of issues that divide Japan from its neighbors, including World War II history, Japan's status in the United Nations and disputes over gas and oil exploration in the East China Sea. But the simple fact that lines of communication were opened — that the Japanese Prime Minister could be giving a 21-gun military salute in Beijing — was a necessary accomplishment. Chinese President Hu Jintao told Abe that his visit was a "turning point in China-Japan relations." Abe's decision to make China his debut abroad — Japanese leaders traditionally travel to Washington first — and Beijing's willingness to make time for Tokyo during the opening of China's annual Communist Party Central Committee meeting showed the importance that both sides attach to the relationship. "This is more than just symbolic," says Cook. "Both sides want to look forward."